CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW

African Americans ethnicity is shaped inherently by a political economy that is undergirded by the practice of racism. For more than two centuries, Africans were captured, enslaved, and made into commodities to support a white American mercantile system.

Introduction Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 4 Chapter 5 Chapter 6 Chapter 7 Chapter 8 Bibliography Appendix 1 Timeline

"They were shackled together in the coffles in dank factory dungeons, squeezed between the decks of stinking ships, separated often from their kinsmen, tribesmen, and even speakers of the same language" (Mintz and Price 1992:42). These Africans and their progenies were stripped of all prerogatives of status or rank, viewed as faceless property, and homogenized by the color of their skin (Mintz and Price 1992:42). Mende, Mandinka, Kru, Wolof, Yoruba, and many other African ethnic groups became a race upon their arrival in the Americas. These Africans forged a new identity based on a synergy of their African ethos and New World experiences. Without slavery, the African American phenomenon would not exist.

Although slavery was terminated well over a century ago, African Americans' sense of self and place in the American society have been ascribed continually by race, politics, economic conditions, and social ideologies. In Two Nations: Black and White. Separate. Hostile. Unequal, Andrew Hacker (1992:14- 15) writes "being black in America bears the mark of slavery. . . . The ideology that provided the rationale for slavery has not disappeared." Blacks continue to be seen as an inferior species, not only unsuited for equality but not even meriting a chance to show their worth (Hacker 1992: 14-15). They are dictated ostensibly by a racial status in every sector of their lives. He concludes that these conditions shape the character and capacities of African Americans (Hacker 1992: 14-15).

Race, more than any other concept affects the lives and cosmology of African Americans. This Medieval construct has been used to justify their enslavement, the restriction of their legal rights, and the development of public policies. Martin Luther King (1967:17-18) suggests that racism ascribes, bruises, scars, and defeats African Americans while they try to hold on to physical life amid psychological death. Race is an uninvited coauthor of the African American world view.

It has given birth to movements that advocate African nationalism and ones that promote American assimilation. African Americans have a double consciousness about how to affirm their place and security in a land where they are treated as aliens. Therefore Garveyites, Black Muslims, Pan Africanists, Black Panthers, and Civil Rights activists have been spawn. To ensure their survival from the 1600s to the present, African Americans continually have renamed and redefined themselves. Hence, the ethnogenesis of African Americans is the fruit of their hardships in the American society.

The goal of this literature review is to examine the political economy that shapes the African American world view. Initially, I will discuss the theoretical framework of political economy of African Americans ethnicity. However, there is a dearth of anthropological knowledge concerning African American ethnicity. Therefore, the discourse concerning African American ethnicity is explored. Attention will be given to the construct of race and other variables which shape anthropological research about African Americans. Since this dissertation is an account of contemporary conditions facing the African American community, urban renewal and its effects will also be highlighted. Finally, this review is an examination of African Americans' struggle to rename their world and to generate a multicultural education movement to ensure the survival of their children. In this literature review, many disparate elements are brought together to show how the sociocultural system is instrumental in shaping the lives of African Americans. The ethnicity of African Americans cannot be seen apart from their history in the United States and its influence on their world view.

Political Economy, Ethnicity and African Americans

Although the ethnicity of African Americans is influenced undoubtedly by the political economy, few scholars have examined their cultural identity from this perspective. The paucity of data in the literature exist because the idea of African American ethnicity is an alien concept. Race dominates the discourse concerning the identity of African Americans. During the late Sixties, anthropologists began to acknowledge the possibility of African American ethnicity, however, they benignly have neglected to study African Americans as a cultural group (Cerroni-Long 1987).

There is a small body of literature that documents the political economy of slavery and ghetto life among African Americans. These studies (Fusfeld and Bates 1984; Genovese 1989; Ijere 1978; Fox-Genovese and Genovese 1983; Tabb 1970) offer some insight into the nexus of conditions which have informed indigenous strategies among African Americans. This body of literature is supported by studies of various histories of African American communities. However, insignificant data concerning the political economy of African American ethnicity exist.

The lack of information exploring the impact of the social structure on the cosmology of African Americans is further complicated by the status of political economy as a theory. This construct has only been integrated into anthropology within the past twenty years. Historically, anthropologists have studied cultures and societies as "autonomous, self-regulating and self-justifying" entities (Wolf 1982:18). Although, studies concerning political economy date back to the Enlightenment, anthropologists did not integrate the concept into their research repertoire until the 1970s (Ortner 1984:138). Counterculture, antiwar movements, the questioning of imperialism and colonialism, and the rise of Marxism led to the consideration of political economy as an anthropological theory (Roseberry 1988).

Despite these shortcomings, l will explore the general concepts of political economy and ethnicity because these theories are the foundation of this dissertation. In accomplishing this task, definitions, the scope of these frameworks, and their relevance to the study of African American ethnicity are explained.

Political economy is an interdisciplinary theoretical approach that is used to interpret the causes and effects of societal relations. It is employed to analyze imperialistic and dependent relationships between nations and national groups (Wolf 1982:8; Ortner 1984:141). This research theory denotes that social relations are interconnected and related to economic, political and ideological contexts that create a social structure (Wolf 1982:9). It indicates that cultural values, beliefs, and behavior are historically and dialectically shaped by material and nonmaterial forces. A major assumption of political economy is that social relationships cannot be severed from the world that surrounds them. Therefore, political economy is used to interpret civil society and the historical construction of various phenomena within it (Reed 1988:34; Clark 1991; Sherman 1987).

Many anthropologists who use political economy primarily have been inspired by the works of Andre Gunder Frank (1967), Eric Wolf (1982) and Emmanuel Wallerstein (1976). These researchers focus on political and economic systems in large regions. Particularly, they emphasize the impact of capitalism on various world cultures (Ortner 1984:141). Frank (1967) posits that capitalism underdevelops most non-Western countries and fosters dependent relationships. Wallerstein (1974) studies the origin of capitalism and proposes that colonial powers extract resources from dominated territories and create core and peripheral relationships. Wolf (1982) traces the European expansion of the world and its impact on the historical transformation of social, political, and economic systems in various regions of the world. These social scientists stress the impact of external forces on the ways in which societies either change or evolve largely in adaptation to political economies (Ortner 1984:141).

A uniform formula for the application of political economy does not exist (Muga 1984; Roseberry 1988; Sherman 1991). Therefore, the field of political economy is characterized by a pervasive debate about its interpretation. Researchers (Roseberry 1988; Ortner 1984) suggest that political economy studies often are too economic. Social scientists tend to focus on markets, wages, and trade relations rather than power relations, resistance, domination, and manipulation (Ortner 1984:184). Also, anthropologists are condemned for universalizing capitalism as the mode of production in all societies (Roseberry 1988; Clammer 1985:73-85). These discussions point to the inchoate state of the concept of political economy and the restraints which exist in its use as an analytical tool.

Barth (1969:11-13) defines ethnicity as a form of social organization that groups use to identify themselves in order to constitute a category distinguishable from other groups. He posits that belonging to an ethnic division allows one to judge oneself and be judged, by those standards that are relevant to that identity (Barth 1969:14). He infers that ethnicity is a dynamic process that is based on mutual interest and understanding. This phenomenon is established out of relationships of inequality and stratification among diverse groups in pluralistic societies.

Muga (1990), Royce (1981), and Bentley (1987) argue that ethnicity is linked to political economy. Muga (1990:6) proposes that "it is clear that economics and politics as well as ideology form a part of the constitutive building blocks of ethnicity and ethnic identification." Particular interaction of historical processes and national formations define ethnicity (Muga 1990:6). He concludes that the concept of ethnicity is inextricably linked to the penetration of capitalism and a particular set of social relations based on capitalist private property and racism (Muga 1990:12-13). Royce (1981:7) suggests that ethnicity is related to the ideological interpretations and strategies which a group use within a political economy. Rothschild (1981 :69) further explains that the origin of ethnicity is found in blocked opportunities to the possession of economic, educational, political, administrative, and social resources.

Barth (1969:29) advises that ethnicity cannot be reduced to a schema of ethnic labels. He argues that "there will be variations between members, some showing many and some showing few characteristics" (Barth 1969:29). He proposes that the researcher must discover the processes which bring about the boundaries and the saliency of ethnic groups.

Since ethnicity is derived from political economy, it seems only appropriate to study the African American world view from this perspective. The African American outlook originates in the "exigencies of survival and the structure of opportunity in this country" (Taylor 1979:1402). For example, the persistent call for collective action and unity by civil rights groups is an aspect of the African American world view that is derived from their disfranchisement in the society. For example, the Harlem Renaissance is more than a literary and aesthetic movement. This cultural revival is a byproduct of the race riots of the 1920s, Iynching of African American soldiers, and the vilification of Africa and the African American culture (Rampersad 1992:xv). Similarly, the outcry for Black Power during the Sixties represents an attempt to restore ancestral links to Africa and to strengthen the societal status of African Americans (Fuchs 1990:187). Economic discrimination and social exclusion are major contributors to the cultural identity of African Americans (Taylor 1979:1403).

Some of the studies of the political economy of African Americans in slavery and the ghettos clarify this point. For example, Eugene Genovese (1972:xv) records in Roll Jordan Roll that slavery provided the "foundations for a separate black national culture." He examines the origin of African American Christianity, and writes that it is a blend of African, European, classic Christian and Amerindian cultures (Genovese 1972:209). He suggests that the brutality of slavery prevented Africans from remembering and practicing their religions intact (Genovese 1972:210-212). However, he explains that Africans were able to maintain an African world view toward the concept of their ancestors. This perspective means that Africans are beholden to the ages and responsible to those who came before (Genovese 1972:213). Such concept of life differentiates the African American world view from the Anglo American world view, because the latter group views themselves as heirs to the ages (Genovese 1972:213).

The impact of political economy on African Americans is clearly seen in their attitude towards dress. Genovese (1972:558) shows how the practice of women wearing head scarves was altered by racism in the United States. In West Africa, having one's head covered signifies origins and pride, however White Americans transformed the scarf into a badge of servility that characterized African American women as Aunt Jemimas (Genovese 1972:558). The transformation of this headdress would cause many African Americans to see a wrapped head as distasteful. This incidence shows how external forces influence how African Americans view themselves.

In The Political Economy of the Urban Ghetto, Daniel Fusfeld and Timothy Bates (1984) reveal how contemporary conditions inspire African American life. The authors primarily show how economic conditions and social values about race fostered African American migration and their participation in the labor market from the 1920s to 1980s. This scholarly masterpiece is a record of the riots after World War I, bombings, and the spatial separation of African Americans that led to a rise in racial consciousness. During the 1920s, African American institutions, newspapers, and businesses expanded and flourished (Fusfeld and Bates 1984:32-33). The collective responses of African Americans are rooted in the inequality that is manifest in the American society.

Research about African American communities is another body of literature that provides an understanding of the saliency of the African American world view. This research is not necessarily classified as political economy. However, it is an examination of the major forces shaping African American life. African American communities in Philadelphia, Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit, Miami, and St. Augustine are among the cities that are included in this genre of literature. The Philadelphia Negro, a study written by W. E. B. Du Bois ([1899] 1967), is a documentation of the physical, economic, and social conditions which shaped African Americans in Philadelphia during the latter part of the nineteenth century. He traces the role of the church, secret societies, mutual aid funds, and other cooperative businesses in providing insurance and opportunities for African Americans. Also, Du Bois (1967:230) recounts how the Douglass Memorial Hospital and Training institution was founded because Negro women were excluded from nursing training. This classic study is the first social history of an African American community.

Richard Wright (1945:xxi-xxv) describes the Black Metropolis as a scientific report that characterizes the processes which mold Negroes living in Chicago. St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Clayton (1970) uncover how labor conditions and social beliefs determined African Americans' attitudes about unions and the development of their ghetto during the early part of the twentieth century. For example, these authors write that many Negroes did not embrace Socialism and the Socialists' idea of an eight-hour day. They recall that one congregation even fired a preacher who advocated Socialism. Drake and Clayton (1970:50) disclose that Negroes were glad to have an opportunity to work, therefore anyone condemning capitalism was considered a threat to their livelihood. Similarly, they reason that African Americans who passed as whites often did it for economic opportunities and were supported by the community's code of silence (Drake and Clayton 1970:168).

Three recently published works also expose how the environment in Detroit, Cleveland and St. Augustine influenced the culture of African Americans. David Katzman (1975) focuses on black Detroit in the nineteenth century. He tells how residential patterns, black-white relations, the black economy, and class fostered cohesiveness and divisions. Kenneth Kusmer (1978:207-208) discloses how the consolidation and expansion of Cleveland's ghettos intensified class stratification, spawn churches, and created spiritual movements. David Colburn (1985) traces the development of the African American community in St. Augustine, black-white relations and examines how interactions influenced the outcome of civil rights movement in that city. Bruce Porter and Marvin Dunn (1984) link a legacy of racial repressions against African Americans in Miami to the Miami Riot of 1980.

Although these studies help us to understand the conditions that shape African American ethnicity, there is a serious dearth of information that specifically addresses their cultural identity. The majority of social scientists identify African Americans as a racial group. The concept of African Americans as a cultural group is traced back only to the 1940s when Herskovits (1958) challenged the assumption that African Americans were without a cultural heritage. The Black Nationalist movement of the Sixties and the unwillingness of African Americans to assimilate into white American culture motivated the study of ethnicity in anthropology (Thompson 1989:95). African American protests led anthropologists to argue that African Americans were culturally different. These views would promote studies which hypothesized that African Americans were either culturally deprived or pathological rather than ethnically distinct.

One factor contributing to the lack of anthropological examination of African American cosmology is related to how anthropologists operationally define ethnicity. Although Barth (1969) in his seminal research Ethnic Groups and Boundaries convincingly argues that ethnicity is a phenomenon of the social structure, the majority of anthropologists treat it as a primordial vessel. Such research conceptualizes ethnicity as collective kinship that is based on blood descent and exemplified by an origin traceable back to a common land, language, religion or history. Therefore cultural traits are used to explain the primordial view of ethnic groups and ethnicity (Royce 1981:3). Costumes, traditions, and behaviors become the operational variables. Willis (1972:138-139) contends that many anthropologists believe that ethnicity and culture link groups to a defined indigenous setting. Hence many anthropologists believe that African Americans do not meet that criterion because they were enslaved and "lost" their cultural heritage. Therefore, viewing African Americans as an ethnic group is unimaginable for some researchers.